Bolt proves he is the undisputed king of the sprints

BEIJING: Usain Bolt ran another incredible race on Wednesday to shatter Michael Johnson’s 200m world record of 19.32 seconds that had looked unbeatable for a dozen years.
The Olympic sprint double, the first since Carl Lewis clinched one at home in 1984, had long been forecast for the Jamaican, but the world record in the longer dash was in some doubt. Not even Michael Johnson saw any possibility of a 19.3 this day as he addressed a press conference hours before the sprinters settled into their blocks.
Bolt obviously aimed for the record and got it at 19.30 seconds correcting an initial flash that put it at 19.31. “Incredible performance by Usain Bolt once again,” Johnson told the BBC after the Bird’s Nest, and a huge television audience around the world, watched in disbelief, as they had on day two of athletics action in the 100m.Birthday gift
No one had scripted two world records for Bolt in the Beijing Games, though for weeks during the run-up there was talk of a possible double for the Jamaican who will celebrate his 22nd birthday on Thursday. What else could he have asked for as a present on the eve?
His 9.69 for the 100 had come rather effortlessly though he was a relative ‘newcomer’ to the short dash compared to the rest. Here he was the favourite and he made sure of the record. Unlike the easing up and gestures that marked the 100 metres, there was no let-up towards the finish on Wednesday.
He ran through and then celebrated, lying on the track and later doing a jig around the stadium to the delight of another packed house of 91,000.
Behind Bolt, dreams were realised and then shattered as Churandy Martina of the Netherlands Antilles and American Wallace Spearmon joined Bolt’s celebrations for having ‘won’ the silver and bronze to be told later that they were disqualified for lane violations.Beneficiaries
The beneficiaries were Americans Shawn Crawford (19.96) who was the defending champion, and Walter Dix (19.98) who had originally finished fourth and fifth. That also meant Bolt had won the 200 by the biggest margin ever in an Olympics, 0.66 seconds.
The last man to hold the world records in 100 and 200 at the same time was Jamaican Donald Quarrie, the 1976 Olympics 200m champion. He had held the last recognised hand-timed record in 100 (9.9 at Modesto, US, in May 1976) and had by then equaled his own world record of 1971 in the 200 metres with a 19.8 in Eugene, US, in June 1975.
“It is great. I have a great feeling. It is a dream come true,” said Bolt, as he attempted to digest the magnitude of his own achievement. “No. I was worried after the semis, but I just told myself to leave everything on the track. I had come here to do it. And I am so happy with myself,” said Bolt when asked whether he believed that the record would be broken.
“I never expected this. I knew the track was a fast track but I didn’t think this was possible. I am shocked. I am still shocked. I have been aspiring for the world record for so long,” said Bolt.Distant shadow
The rest were a distant shadow as Bolt got off the blocks well, by his standards (0.182s reaction time compared to the best of 0.144 by the disqualified Martina), took the curve brilliantly, holding his speed, and shot like an arrow on the straight, leaving the others to fight for the silver.
“I worked so hard to become the champion. I will work harder to stay on the top,” said the Jamaican.
Spearmon’s disqualification was initially protested by the US, which eventually accepted the decision of the jury but not before it protested the lane violation by Martina. After examining the video footage, the jury disqualified both Spearmon and Martina, thus enabling Americans to gain the silver and bronze.More celebration
It was celebration time for Jamaica once again, as the women’s 400 metres hurdles gold went to Melaine Walker, with an Olympic record 52.64. Sheena Tosta of the U.S. pipped Tasha Danvers of Britain for the silver with a 53.70.
“I have dreamt about it a million times. I wanted to be victorious in this race. It is a great blessing to all Jamaican people. It is God who has given us all the talent to do all that we did in the Olympics. We have to be grateful,” said Walker.
There was another Olympic record, as Aksana Miankova of Belarus won the women’s hammer throw gold with a 76.34 metres effort, in the fifth round of the final. It was an improvement of more than a metre from the previous mark of 75.02 set by Olga Kuzenkova of Russia in Athens.
Yipsi Moreno of Cuba won the silver at 75.20, on her final throw, while Zhang Wenxiu grabbed China’s second athletics medal at the Games with a bronze with her season best throw of 74.32.

Shaheed Ziaur Rahman-Legend of Bangladesh

Ziaur Rahman (Bengali: জিয়াউর রহমান Ziaur Rôhman) (January 19, 1936 – May 30, 1981) was the President of Bangladesh and the founder of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Popularly called Zia, he is also sometimes referred to as a Shaheed (Martyr). His widow Begum Khaleda Zia has served as Prime Minister of Bangladesh three times.
An officer in the Pakistan Army, Zia's unit captured the Kalurghat radio station at the onset of the Bangladesh Liberation War and declared the independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Recognised as a war hero, he was honoured with the Bir Uttom in 1972. A high-ranking accomplished officer in the Bangladesh Army, Zia was appointed chief of army staff following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. Although briefly overthrown in a counter-coup, Zia returned to power through what is called sepoy mutiny organised by Colonel Abu Taher.[1]
Declaring himself president in 1977, Zia won a referendum held in 1978. Founding the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Zia won widespread popular support for stabilising the nation and leading it in a new direction. A right-wing politician, Zia established free-market economic policies in a 19-point programme of industrialisation and development. He adopted policies bringing the government increasingly under Islam, which he included in the national constitution. Zia controversially pardoned the assassins of Sheikh Mujib by signing the Indemnity Act and rehabilitated individuals who had supported the Pakistan Army.
A popular yet controversial leader, Zia was assassinated in 1981 in an abortive military coup.

Early life

Ziaur Rahman was born in the village of Bagbari in the Bogra District of the province of Bengal (now in northwest Bangladesh), although by some other accounts he was born in the city of Calcutta.[2] His father, Mansur Rahman, was a chemist working for a government department in Kolkata. Zia's childhood was divided between living in the village and the city. He was later enrolled into the Hare School in Kolkata.[3] With the partition of India in 1947, Mansur Rahman opted to join the new Muslim state of Pakistan, moving his family to East Pakistan. The family later moved to Karachi, the national capital located in West Pakistan, where Mansur Rahman had been transferred to work for the Government of Pakistan. Zia was enrolled in the Academy School in Karachi.[3]
Zia spent his adolescent years in Karachi and enrolled in the D. J. College there in 1953. In the same year, he entered the Pakistan Military Academy in Kakul as an officer cadet. He was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Pakistan Army in 1955. After serving for two years in Karachi, he was transferred to the East Bengal Regiment in 1957. From 1959 to 1964 he worked in the department of military intelligence.[3] In 1960, his marriage was arranged to Khaleda Zia, a young Bengali girl from the Dinajpur District who was 15 years old.[4] Khaleda Zia remained with her parents in East Pakistan to complete her studies and joined her husband in Karachi in 1965. During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia served in the Khemkaran sector in Punjab as the commander of a company unit of 300–500 soldiers. The sector was the scene of the most intense battles between the rival armies. Zia's unit won one of the highest numbers of gallantry awards for heroic performances.[3] Ziaur Rahman himself won the distinguished and prestigious Hilal-e-Jurat medal , and his unit won 7 Sitara-e-Jurat medals and 12 Tamgha-e-Jurat medals for their brave roles in the 1965 War with India.[citation needed]
In 1966, Zia was appointed military instructor at the Pakistan Military Academy, later going on to attend the prestigious Command and Staff College in Quetta, where he completed a course in command and tactical warfare. Advocating that the Pakistan Army make greater efforts to recruit and encourage Bengali military officers, Zia helped raise two Bengali battalions during his stint as instructor.[2] Trained for high-ranking command posts, Zia joined the 2nd East Bengal regiment as its second-in-command at Joydevpur in 1969. Although sectarian tensions between East and West Pakistan were intensifying, Zia travelled to West Germany to receive advanced military and command training with the German Army.[3]
Zia returned to Pakistan the following year, and witnessed political turmoil and regional division. East Pakistan had been devastated by the 1970 Bhola cyclone, and the population had been embittered by the slow response of the central government.[5] The political conflict between Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Awami League, which had won a majority in the 1970 elections, the President Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had brought sectarian tensions to a climax. Sheikh Mujib laid claim to form a government, but Yahya Khan postponed the convening of the legislature under pressure from West Pakistani politicians.[citation needed] Bengali civil and military officers had alleged institutional discrimination through the 1960s, and now distrust had divided the Pakistani Army. Upon his return, Zia attained the rank of Major and was transferred to the 8th East Bengal regiment stationed in Chittagong to serve as its second-in-command.[citation needed]

Sector Commander of Bangladesh Liberation Forces

Following the failure of last-ditch talks, Yahya Khan declared martial law and ordered the army to crack down on Bengali political activities. Before his arrest, Sheikh Mujib declared the independence of Bangladesh on March 26, 1971 and exhorted the people of East Pakistan to resist the army. One of the highest-ranking Bengali officers, Zia led his unit in mutiny of the Pakistan Army, killing the West Pakistani officers and capturing a radio station in Kalurghat near Chittagong and calling it the Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro. On March 27, addressing the people via radio, Zia delivered Sheikh Mujib's address and declared independence on his behalf and pronounced himself "Head of the Republic":[5]
This is Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendro. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the direction of Bangobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the independent People's Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At his direction, I have taken command as the temporary Head of the Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call upon all Bengalis to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight to the last to free our Motherland. By the grace of Allah, victory is ours. Joy Bangla.[citation needed]
Zia was appointed commander of Mukti Bahini (Liberation Army) forces in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, working under General M. A. G. Osmani, the supreme commander.[3] He worked to provide support and resources to the Mukti Bahini guerilla force and coordinate attacks against the West Pakistani army. At a later phase of the war, Zia travelled across the border into India to receive military resources and training for his troops. Zia also helped coordinate the work of Bangladesh's government-in-exile of Mujibnagar. On June 1, 1971 Zia became the commander of the first conventional brigade of the Mukti Bahini, which was named "Z Force," after the first initial of his name. This brigade consisted of 1st, 3rd and 8th East Bengali regiments, enabling Zia to launch major attacks on Pakistani forces. During the war his family was placed under house arrest. The guerrilla war continued until the direct intervention of the Indian Army, which captured Dhaka and forced the surrender of Pakistani forces on December 16, 1971.
Upon his release, Sheikh Mujib assumed charge of the new state's government, and the Indian Army transferred control to the newly-formed Bangladesh Army on March 17, 1972. Having earned a reputation for courageous leadership during the war, Zia was awarded the Bir Uttom, the second-highest military honour. He was given command of a brigade stationed in Comilla, and in June he was appointed deputy chief of army staff.[3] He was later promoted to the rank of Major General by the end of 1973. As a high-ranking commander, Zia oversaw the training and development of the army.

Coup of 1975 and its aftermath

By 1975, Sheikh Mujib's assumption of dictatorial powers had disillusioned and angered many Bangladeshis, including army officers. On August 15, 1975 Sheikh Mujib and his family were murdered by a group of military officers. One Sheikh Mujib's cabinet ministers Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was appointed the president and, subsequently, Major General Ziaur Rahman was appointed as the chief of army staff after removal of Major General Shafiullah.[6] It is not known if Zia had himself helped plot the coup against Sheikh Mujib, but he had now become one of the most powerful men in the nation.[7] However, the coup caused a period of instability and unrest in Bangladesh. Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and the Dhaka Brigade under Colonel Shafat Jamil made a counter-coup on November 3, 1975, and Ziaur Rahman was forced to resign and was put under house arrest. A third coup was staged under Colonel Abu Taher and a group of socialist military officers and supporters of the left-wing Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal on November 7, called the Sipoy-Janata Biplob (Soldiers and People's Coup).[7] Brigadier Mosharraf was killed and Colonel Jamil arrested, while Colonel Taher freed Ziaur Rahman and re-appointed him as army chief. Following a major meeting at the army headquarters, an interim government was formed with Justice Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem as chief martial law administrator and Zia, Air Vice Marshal M. G. Tawab and Rear Admiral M. H. Khan as his deputies.[3][7] Zia also took on the portfolios of finance, home affairs, industry and information along with becoming the army chief of staff.[8] Fearing that Abu Taher, a well-known socialist, would attempt to organise another revolt, Zia ordered his arrest. Following a secret trial in a military court, Zia authorised the execution of Colonel Taher on July 21, 1976. Zia became the chief martial law administrator (CMLA) following Justice Sayem's elevation to the presidency on November 19, 1976. He tried to integrate the armed forces, giving repatriates a status appropriate to their qualifications and seniority. While this angered some veterans of the Mukti Bahini, who had rapidly reached high positions, Zia defused potential threats from discontented officers by sending them on diplomatic missions abroad.[5]

President of Bangladesh

Major General Ziaur Rahman became the 6th President of Bangladesh on April 21, 1977 following Justice Sayem's resignation on grounds of "ill health," which many believed was simply a pretext for Zia's rise to power with the army's backing.[8] Although Sayem had held the title of president, historians believe it was Zia who exercised real power. Sayem had promised early elections, but Zia postponed the plans.[8] The years of disorder had left most of Bangladesh's state institutions in disarray, with constant threats of military coups amidst strikes and protests. Assuming full control of the state, Zia banned political parties, censored the media, re-imposed martial law and ordered the army to arrest dissidents. Martial law restored order across the country to a large measure, although Zia crushed several attempted uprisings with ruthless measures.[5]
In late September 1977, a group of Japanese Red Army terrorists hijacked an airplane and forced it to land in Dhaka. On September 30, while the attention of the government was riveted on this event, a mutiny broke out in Bogra. Although the mutiny was quickly quelled on the night of October 2, a second mutiny occurred in Dhaka.[5] The mutineers unsuccessfully attacked Zia's residence, captured Dhaka Radio for a short time and killed a number of air force officers at Dhaka international airport, where they were gathered for negotiations with the hijackers. The army quickly put down the rebellion, but the government was severely shaken. Government intelligence had failed and Zia promptly dismissed both the military and the civilian intelligence chiefs.[5] Special tribunals dealt harshly with the large groups of bandits, smugglers and guerrilla bands operating across the country.[5] The size of Bangladeshi police forces was doubled and the strength of the army increased from 50,000 to 90,000 soldiers.[3]

Domestic and foreign policies

Zia had taken charge of a nation suffering from severe poverty, chronic unemployment, shortages and economic stagnation. Muting the state's commitment to socialism, Zia announced a "19-point programme" which emphasised self-reliance, rural development, decentralisation and population control. Zia worked energetically and spent much of his time traveling throughout the country, preaching the "politics of hope" by continually urging all Bangladeshis to work harder and to produce more.[5] Zia focused on boosting agricultural and industrial production, especially in food and grains, and to integrate rural development through a variety of programs, of which population planning was the most important. Working with the proposals of international lending agencies, he launched an ambitious rural development program in 1977, which included a highly visible and popular food-for-work program.[5] He promoted private sector development, exports growth and the reversing of the collectivisation of farms. His government reduced quotas and restrictions on agriculture and industrial activities.[9] Zia launched major projects to construct irrigation canals, power stations, dams, roads and other public works. Directing his campaign to mobilise rural support and development, Zia established Gram Sarkar (Village Councils) system of self-government and the "Village Defence Party" system of security and crime prevention. Programmes to promote primary and adult education on a mass scale were initiated and focused mainly across rural Bangladesh. During this period, Bangladesh's economy achieved fast economic and industrial growth.[3]
Zia began reorienting Bangladesh's foreign policy, addressing the concerns of nationalists who believed that Bangladesh was reliant on Indian economic and military aid. Zia withdrew from his predecessors' affinity with the Soviet bloc, developing closer relations with the United States and Western Europe. Zia also moved to harmonise ties with Saudi Arabia and the People's Republic of China, who had opposed Bangladesh's creation and had not recognised it till 1975. Zia also dropped the demands of reparations and an official apology demanded by Sheikh Mujib and moved to normalise relations with Pakistan. While distancing Bangladesh from India, Zia sought to improve ties with other Islamic nations. Zia's move towards Islamic state policies improved the nation's standing in the Middle East.[5] Zia also proposed an organisation of the nations of South Asia to bolster economic and political co-operation at a regional level.[3] This proposal materialised in 1985 with the creation of the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation in Dhaka.

Islam and nationalism

Zia moved to lead the nation in a new direction, significantly different from the ideology and agenda of Sheikh Mujib.[5] He issued a proclamation order amending the constitution, increasing the direct influence and role of Islam on the government. In the preamble, he inserted the salutation "Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim" (In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful). In Article 8(1) and 8(1A) the statement "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah" was added, replacing the commitment to secularism. Socialism was redefined as "economic and social justice." Zia further introduced provisions to allow Muslims to practice the social and legal injunctions of the Shariat and Sunnah.[10] In Article 25(2), Zia introduced the principle that "the state shall endeavour to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity."[3] Zia's edits to the constitution redefined the nature of the republic from the secularism laid out by Sheikh Mujib and his supporters.[10] Islamic religious education was introduced as a compulsory subject in Bangladeshi schools, with provisions for non-Muslim students to learn of their own religions.[11]
In public speeches and policies that he formulated, Zia began expounding "Bangladeshi nationalism," as opposed to Mujib's assertion of a Bengali national identity. Zia emphasised the national role of Islam (as practised by the majority of Bangladeshis). Claiming to promote an inclusive national identity, Zia reached out to non-Bengali minorities such as the Santals, Garos, Manipuris and Chakmas, as well as the Urdu-speaking peoples of Bihari origin. However, many of these groups were predominantly Hindu and Buddhist and were alienated by Zia's promotion of political Islam. In an effort to promote cultural assimilation and economic development, Zia appointed a Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Commission in 1976, but resisted holding a political dialogue with the representatives of the hill tribes on the issue of autonomy and cultural self-preservation.[12] On July 2, 1977 Ziaur Rahman organised a tribal convention to promote a dialogue between the government and tribal groups. However, most cultural and political issues would remain unresolved and intermittent incidents of inter-community violence and militancy occurred throughout Zia's rule.[12]

Indemnity

As Bangladesh's ruler, Zia enacted several controversial measures, ostensibly to win the support of Islamic political parties and opponents of the Awami League. He revoked the ban on the Jamaat-e-Islami, which was widely believed to have collaborated with the Pakistani army and in committing war crimes against civilians. Golam Azam, the exiled chief of the Jammat-e-Islami, was allowed to come back in July 1978 with a Pakistani passport on a visitor's visa, and he remained in Bangladesh following its expiry. He was not brought to trial over his alleged role in committing wartime atrocities, and Jamaat leaders were appointed in ministerial posts.[11]/ Zia also rehabilitated Shah Azizur Rahman, a high-profile opponent of the creation of Bangladesh, and several men accused of murdering Sheikh Mujib. Using the BNP's two-thirds majority in parliament, Zia obtained the passage of the Indemnity Act, which stated that no trial will happen and no case can be made for the assassination of Sheikh Mujib.[13] The Indemnity Act was later incorporated as the 5th amendment to the constitution, legalising the military coups, martial law and other political events between 1975 to 1979. Zia also gave Sheikh Mujib's assassins Major Dalim, Major Rashid, and Major Faruk jobs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in subsequent years they were appointed ambassadors of Bangladesh to African and Middle Eastern nations. Azizur Rahman was appointed Bangladesh's prime minister, serving through Zia's tenure in the presidency.

Assassination

During his term of power, Zia was criticised for ruthless treatment of his political opposition.[14] Although he enjoyed overall popularity and public confidence, Zia's rehabilitation of some of the most controversial men in Bangladesh aroused fierce opposition from the supporters of the Awami League and veterans of the Mukti Bahini. Amidst speculation and fears of unrest, Zia went on tour to Chittagong on May 29, 1981 to help resolve an intra-party political dispute in the regional BNP. Zia and his entourage stayed overnight at the Chittagong Circuit House, a rest house. In the early hours of the morning of May 30, he was assassinated by a group of army officers along with six bodyguards and two aides.[15]
Zia's killing came as a central part of a botched military coup attempt led by Major General Abul Monjur, who announced the killing and his take-over of the government on radio.[15] Monjur had earlier been a senior army commander and had been transferred to Chittagong in 1977. He was scheduled for a new transfer to a non-command position in Dhaka and was reportedly disappointed over his impending demotion.[14] However, Vice President Abdus Sattar quickly reaffirmed control of the government, placed the military on high alert and ordered it to track down the conspirators and quash the revolt.[15]
The army, under its chief of staff Gen. Ershad remained loyal to the Dhaka government and moved to quickly put down the rebellion and execute Monjur. In the trials that followed, a sizable number of officers and enlisted men received death penalty for complicity. Zia was buried at the Chandrima Uddan in the locality of Sher-e-Banglanagar in Dhaka.[3] Large processions of supporters and BNP activists attended the funeral. Vice President Abdus Sattar immediately succeeded him, and led the BNP to victory in elections held in 1981. However, army chief Gen. Ershad overthrew this government in a coup on March 24, 1982.

Criticism and legacy

Ziaur Rahman is considered one of the most important and controversial political leaders of Bangladesh.[5] Zia is criticised by historians and the supporters of the Awami League for rehabilitating the assassins of Mujibur Rahman. Jurists regard this as a gross obstruction of justice and legitimisation of political murder, to which Zia himself fell victim.[16] Also deeply controversial is Zia's rehabilitation of persons and political groups that had collaborated with the Pakistani army in carrying out atrocities against intellectuals and religious minorities.[citation needed] Zia is also criticised for creating a "managed democracy," which remained largely beholden to the military and his political party.[17] In a verdict passed on August 30, 2005 the Dhaka High Court declared the seizures of power by military coups between 1975 and 1979, including Zia's military regime as "unlawful and unconstitutional."[18] Zia's martial law decrees, his ascendancy to the presidency in 1977 and the referendum held in 1978 were declared "unknown to the constitution." The court ruling overruled the Indemnity Act by which these very events were accorded a legal status and enshrined in the constitution.[18]
Former US President Ronald Reagan praised him for his leadership and said that "The United States -- indeed the world -- had come to respect President Zia's profound and compassionate commitment to a better life for his people and his dedication to the rule of law. His wisdom in international affairs will be sorely missed".[19]
While credited for ending the disorder of the final years of Sheikh Mujib's rule, Zia is assailed by his critics for suppressing opposition.[5][17] However, Zia's economic reforms are credited with rebuilding the economy and his move towards Islamisation brought him the support of much of Bangladesh's Muslim-majority population.[5][17] His nationalist vision also appealed to many who resented the nation's strategic alliance with India and the Soviet Union. Moving away from Mujib's secularism, Zia asserted an Islamic political identity for Bangladesh and of membership in the wider community of Muslim nations.[11] However, these measures also isolated and embittered many ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh, laying in the opinion of many historians the foundations of future communal and ethnic conflicts.[11] Even political rivals of Zia acknowledge that he was not corrupt at all. He lived an extremely simple life, and although he was the most powerful President in the country, he opted to have his food supplied from military canteen, which had been also supplied to other army personnel in the country.[citation needed]
Ziaur Rahman is survived by his wife Begum Khaleda Zia and his sons Tareq Rahman and Arafat Rahman. Begum Khaleda Zia became the head of the BNP and organised a coalition of political parties opposed to Ershad's regime. In elections held in 1991, Begum Khaleda Zia led the BNP to victory and became prime minister. She lost the 1996 elections to the Awami League's Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the daughter of Mujibur Rahman but returned to power in 2001.[20] Tareq Rahman serves as BNP senior joint secretary, regarded by many as the architect of the BNP's 2001 election victory.[21] Zia's life and legacy are celebrated widely. November 7 each year is celebrated as National Revolution and Solidarity Day, commemorating the military coup that returned Zia to power.[22] Zia is the namesake of many public institutions, including the Zia International Airport in Dhaka, which is the busiest airport in the nation. Zia has also been honoured by the SAARC for his statesmanship and vision

Sheikh Mujubur Rahman- Founder Of Bangladesh

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Bengali: শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান Shekh Mujibur Rôhman) (March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975) was a Bengali politician and the founding leader of Bangladesh, considered the father of the nation. He headed the Awami League, served as the first President of Bangladesh and later became its Prime Minister. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (বঙ্গবন্ধু Bôngobondhu, "Friend of Bengal"). His eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and a former prime minister of Bangladesh.
A student political leader, Mujib rose in East Pakistani politics and within the ranks of the Awami League as a charismatic and forceful orator. An advocate of socialism, Mujib became popular for his leadership against the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis. He demanded increased provincial autonomy, and became a fierce opponent of the military rule of Ayub Khan. At the heightening of sectional tensions, Mujib outlined a 6-point autonomy plan, which was seen as separatism in West Pakistan. He was tried in 1968 for allegedly conspiring with the Indian government but was not found guilty. Despite leading his party to a major victory in the 1970 elections, Mujib was not invited to form the government.
After talks broke down with President Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Mujib was arrested and a guerrilla war erupted between government forces and Bengali nationalists aided by India. An all out war between the Pakistan Army and Bangladesh-India Joint Forces led to the establishment of Bangladesh, and after his release Mujib assumed office as a provisional president, and later prime minister. Even as a constitution was adopted, proclaiming socialism and a secular democracy, Mujib struggled to address the challenges of intense poverty and unemployment, coupled with rampant corruption. Amidst rising popular agitation, he banned other political parties and declared himself president for life in 1975. After only seven months, Mujib was assassinated along with his family by a group of army officers.

Early life

Mujib, a student leader in 1949
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj District in the province of Bengal,[2] to Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, a serestadar, or officer responsible for record-keeping at the Gopalganj civil court. He was the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. Mujib was educated at the Gopalganj Public School and later transferred to the Gopalganj Missionary School, from where he completed his matriculation. However, Mujib was withdrawn from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and returned to school only after four years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery. At the age of eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatnnesa. She gave birth to their two daughters — Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana — and three sons — Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel.[3]
Mujib became politically active when he joined the All India Muslim Students Federation in 1940. He enrolled at the Islamia College (now Maulana Azad College), a well-respected college affiliated to the University of Calcutta in Kolkata to study law and entered student politics there. He joined the Bengal Muslim League in 1943 and grew close to the faction led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, a leading Bengali Muslim leader. During this period, Mujib worked actively for the League's cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan and in 1946 he was elected general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. After obtaining his degree in 1947, Mujib was one of the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in Calcutta, in 1946, just before the partition of India.[3]
On his return to East Bengal, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law and founded the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League and became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the province. During these years, Mujib developed an affinity for socialism as the ideal solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions. On January 26, 1949 the government announced that Urdu would officially be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Mujib encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests and undertook a hunger strike for 13 days. Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Pakistan, mainly Bengalis, would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, agitation broke out amongst the population. Mujib led the Muslim Students League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with his colleagues by police on March 11.[3] The outcry of students and political activists led to the immediate release of Mujib and the others. Mujib was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for attempting to organize the menial and clerical staff in an agitation over workers' rights.[2]

Early political career

See also: Bengali Language Movement
Mujib launched his political career, leaving the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint secretary of its East Pakistan unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Pakistani and socialist parties, Mujib focused on expanding the grassroots organisation. In 1951, Mujib began organising protests and rallies in response to the killings by police of students who had been protesting against the declaration of Urdu as the sole national language. This period of turmoil, later to be known as the Bengali Language Movement, saw Mujib and many other Bengali politicians arrested. In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954. Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture, Mujib was briefly arrested for organizing a protest of the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry. He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958.[2] During a speech in the assembly on the proposed plan to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamated West Pakistan and East Pakistan with a powerful central government, Mujib demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected and that a popular verdict should decide the question:
"Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the question of one unit is concerned it can come in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite."[3]
In 1956, Mujib entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid, but resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organization. When General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law in 1958, Mujib was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961.[2] After his release from prison, Mujib started organising an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders in order to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan and to work for increased political power for Bengalis and the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.[3]

Leader of East Pakistan

Main article: Six point movement
Following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Mujib came to head the Awami League, which became one of the largest political parties in Pakistan.[4] The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Mujib was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme, which centralized power and merged the provinces.[5] Working with other political parties, he supported opposition candidate Fatima Jinnah against Ayub Khan in the 1964 election. Mujib was arrested two weeks before the election, charged with sedition and jailed for a year.[3] In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over the atrocities committed by the military against Bengalis and the neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan by the ruling regime.[6] Despite forming a majority of the population, the Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military. There were also conflicts between the allocation of revenues and taxation.
Unrest over continuing denial of democracy spread across Pakistan and Mujib intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, Mujib proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival at a national conference of opposition political parties at Lahore,[2] in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government.[5] According to his plan:
The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.
Mujib's points catalysed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6 point movement — recognized as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan. Mujib obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan and interpreted as thinly-veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan.
Mujib was arrested by the army and after two years in jail, an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala Conspiracy Case, Mujib and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura.[2] The outcry and unrest over Mujib's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilised East Pakistan amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, dropped the charged and unconditionally released Mujib. He returned to East Pakistan as a public hero.
Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Mujib demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties and walked out following its rejection. On December 5, 1969 Mujib made a declaration at a public meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":
"There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan."[3]
Mujib's declaration heightened tensions across the country. The West Pakistani politicians and the military began to see him as a separatist leader. His assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the debate over regional autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed the Bengali agitation emphasized the rejection of the Two-Nation Theory — the case upon which Pakistan had been created — by asserting the ethno-cultural identity of Bengalis as a nation.[7] Mujib was able to galvanise support throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in the Indian subcontinent. It was following his 6-point plan that Mujib was increasingly referred to by his supporters as "Bangabandhu" (literally meaning "Friend of Bengal" in Bengali)

1970 elections and independence

Sheikh Mujib with Maulana Bhashani in a protest march
A major coastal cyclone struck East Pakistan in 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. The subsequent period exposed extreme outrage and unrest over the perceived weak and ineffective response of the central government. Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligent. The West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction led to divisions within the civil services, police and military of Pakistan. In the elections held in December 1970, the Awami League under Mujib's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but 2 of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority.[2]
The election result revealed a polarisation between the two wings of Pakistan, with the largest and most successful party in the West being the Pakistan Peoples Party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was completely opposed to Mujib's demand for greater autonomy. Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Mujib was invited by Yahya Khan (then president of Pakistan) to form the next government, demanding his party's inclusion. There was also widespread opposition in the Pakistani military and the Islamic political parties to Mujib becoming Pakistan's prime minister. And even though neither Mujib nor the League had explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.
Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly — a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Mujib's party, which formed a majority, from taking charge.[4] It was on March 7, 1971 that Mujib called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organised armed resistance at a mass gathering of people held at the Race Course Ground in Dhaka.
"The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated...Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have."
Following a last ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Mujib and other Bengali leaders and activists. The army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Mujib declared Bangladesh's independence at midnight on March 26, 1971:[8][3]
"This may be my last message; from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours."

Leaflets and pamphlets used to drive public opinion for independent Bangladesh used Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the iconic character.
Mujib was arrested and moved to West Pakistan and kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur). Many other League politicians avoided arrest by fleeing to India and other countries. Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's criminal court case. The actual sentence and court proceedings have never been made public.[2]
The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.[9] With militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. It targeted Bengali and non-Bengali Hindus across the region, and throughout the year large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura.[10] The East Bengali army and police regiments soon revolted and League leaders formed a government in exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmad, a politician close to Mujib. A major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Freedom Fighters) arose across East Pakistan. Despite international pressure, the Pakistani government refused to release Mujib and negotiate with him.[11] Most of the Mujib family was kept under house arrest during this period. His son Sheikh Kamal was a key officer in the Mukti Bahini, which was a part of the struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia during the war that came to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in December 1971, the Pakistani army surrendered to the joint force of Bengali Mukti Bahini and Indian Army, and the League leadership created a government in Dhaka. Mujib was released by the Pakistani authorities on January 8, 1972 following the official ending of hostilities. He flew to New Delhi via London and after meeting Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, he publicly expressed his thanks to "the best friends of my people, the people of India."[12] He returned to Bangladesh on January 10, 1972. With Gandhi, he addressed a crowd of approximately half a million people gathered in Dhaka.[13]

Governing Bangladesh

Historic speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 7, 1971
Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmad following a controversial intra-party power struggle that had occurred during Mujib's incarceration. The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to which Indian forces transferred control on March 17.[3] Mujib described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women. The government faced serious challenges, which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict. There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.
After Bangladesh achieved recognition from major countries, Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.[3] He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel.[14] Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi,[13] strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. The two governments remained in close cooperation during Mujib's lifetime.[15]
He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of "nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism," which would come to be known as "Mujibism."[15] Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.[16] Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented.[17] A constitution was proclaimed in 1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority.[2] He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[18]
Although the state was committed to secularism, Mujib soon began moving closer to political Islam through state policies as well as personal conduct.[19] He revived the Islamic Academy (which had been banned in 1972 for suspected collusion with Pakistani forces) and banned the production and sale of alcohol and banned the practice of gambling, which had been one of the major demands of Islamic groups.[19] Mujib sought Bangladesh's membership in the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Islamic Development Bank and made a significant trip to Lahore in 1974 to attend the OIC summit, which helped repair relations with Pakistan to an extent.[19] In his public appearances and speeches, Mujib made increased usage of Islamic greetings, slogans and references to Islamic ideologies. In his final years, Mujib largely abandoned his trademark "Joy Bangla" salutation for "Khuda Hafez" preferred by religious Muslims.[19]

BAKSAL

Mujib's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His programmes of nationalisation and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.[16] Mujib focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grass roots or local levels.[20] Political opposition included communists as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. Mujib was criticized for nepotism in appointing family members to important positions.[15] A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture — the mainstay of the economy.[2] Intense criticism of Mujib arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, and rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalised industries. Mujib's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel, and caused unrest amongst the masses.[16]
Political unrest gave rise to increasing violence, and in response, Mujib began increasing his powers. On January 25, 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties. Mujib was declared "president for life," and given extraordinary powers.[21][15] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials — BAKSAL.[2] The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib oversaw the arrest of opposition activists and strict control of political activities across the country.[21][22] The militia and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population, Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights.[15] The underground opposition to Mujib's political regime intensified under the clout of dissatisfaction and the government's inability to deal with national challenges and the dissatisfaction within the Bangladeshi army.

Assassination
Main article: Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Mujib was assassinated on August 15, 1975.
On August 15, 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks and killed Mujib, his family and the personal staff.[2][15] Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, who were on a visit to West Germany, were left alive. They were banned from returning to Bangladesh.[23] The coup was planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, which included Mujib's colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency of having instigated the plot.[24] Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster.[25]
Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country.[21] Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted Mujib's assassination and overthrow. Ziaur Rahman and Hossain Mohammad Ershad reversed the state's commitment to secularism and socialism, as well as most of Mujibur Rahman's signature policies.
In exile, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the Awami League. She returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981 and led popular opposition to the military regime of President Ershad. In the elections following the restoration of democracy in 1991, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the opposition and in 1996, she won the elections to become Bangladesh's prime minister. Revoking the Indemnity Ordinance, an official murder case was lodged and an investigation launched. One of the main coup leaders, Colonel Syed Faruque Rahman was arrested along with 14 other army officers, while others fled abroad.[2][26] Sheikh Hasina lost power in the 2001 elections, but remained the opposition leader and one of the most important politicians in Bangladesh.

Criticism and legacy

The Pakistani leadership in 1971 was considered by some observers and governments to be fighting to keep the country united in face of violent secessionist activities led by Mujib. Indian support for the Mukti Bahini dented the credibility of Mujib and the League in the community of nations.[27][7] Some historians argue that the conflicts and disparities between East and West Pakistan were exaggerated by Mujib and the League and that secession cost Bangladesh valuable industrial and human resources.[27] The governments of Saudi Arabia and China criticised Mujib and many nations did not recognise Bangladesh until after his death.[27]
Several historians regard Mujib as a rabble-rousing, charismatic leader who galvanised the nationalist struggle but proved inept in governing the country.[21] During his tenure as Bangladesh's leader, Muslim religious leaders and politicians intensely criticized Mujib's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and the military, who feared Bangladesh would come to depend upon India and become a satellite state by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying Bangladesh with India on many foreign and regional affairs.[17] Mujib's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition alienated large segments of the population and derailed Bangladesh's experiment with democracy for many decades.[7][15]
Following his death, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Mujib, and his public image was restored only with the election of an Awami League government led by his daughter Sheikh Hasina in 1996. August 15 is commemorated as "National Mourning Day," mainly by Awami League supporters.[3] He remains the paramount icon of the Awami League, which continues to profess Mujib's ideals of socialism. Mujib is widely admired by scholars and in Bengali communities in India and across the world for denouncing the military rule and ethnic discrimination that existed in Pakistan, and for leading the Bengali struggle for rights and liberty.[26]
In a 2004 poll conducted on the worldwide listeners of BBC's Bengali radio service, Mujib was voted the "Greatest Bengali of All Time" beating out Rabindranath Tagore and others.